FCCJ Press Conference

Minister for Foreign Affairs Yoriko Kawaguchi: Hello everyone, and good afternoon. It is a real pleasure for me to be back here again. I think this is probably my third visit to this place since I became foreign minister. I was here just a year ago. Of course when we talk about foreign policy, you cannot just say "a year ago." So many things can happen within one year. In fact, in the past one year, there have been just enormous changes of significance occurring in every corner of the globe. Today, I will be picking up just a few points here in my introductory remarks and will open the floor to questions and answers.

I have been in office as foreign minister for more than two and a half years now, and as you know, I came to office in the middle of a credibility crisis in the Foreign Ministry. One of my first tasks was to reform the Ministry internally. Looking from the outside, it might all seem pretty straightforward-"You're the minister, after all; so let the people under you do as you dictate"-but my task, as I saw it, was to take control of the situation without forcing control. You know, if you hold on to one end of the string and try to push it forward, then you can certainly make it go forward, but you cannot really control where it will go. Instead, if you try to pull it, if you can pull rather than push, then you can make the string go where you want it to go. So, that is the way I tried to deal with the situation-pulling instead of pushing. This is what I have tried within the Ministry as well as on the international scene. It has taken a good bit of "outside the box" thinking to figure out how to pull instead of push, but this is how I decided to set the mark with my work, and I think I have gathered a pretty good or substantial track record so far with this approach.

The North Korea situation is a good example of this. North Korea is clearly a situation where we have needed to have a great deal of adaptability in our approach. Now as you realize, when I say "adaptability" here, I do not mean that our stance has shifted in the slightest-there never has been and never will be any change from our position that nuclear development in North Korea is a grave and direct threat to the peace and stability for Japan and the entirety of the Asian region, and that a solution to the abduction issue, including full and prompt accounting of the Japanese nationals still missing, is a prerequisite for resolution of the issues between Japan and North Korea.

Yet at the same time, there has clearly been a need to think "outside the box" with regard to the nuclear issue. The idea for a new mechanism under which Japan, the United States of America, the Republic of Korea, People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, and North Korea to come together to discuss Northeast Asian security issues was originally a Japanese one, you know, put forth in 1998 by then-Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi. Now we are hoping to guide that framework to become one which will contribute more comprehensively to peace and security by having it take up a much broader range of security issues in the future. Again, we are trying to pull the string here, not push, and when you pull, you are necessarily taking up a leadership position on where exactly it all should be headed. You can see we are fully playing a defining role by putting forth a strategic, long-term, comprehensive vision for security enhancement in the region. We are also in preparations for the fourth round of the Six-Party Talks.

Talking about strategic, long-term, and comprehensive approaches, let me next take up the topic of our policy in the Middle East. Again, here, what you are seeing is a very bold and, I dare say, groundbreaking approach in our Middle East policy, and that is true whether you look at our Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy, our dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF), or our firm pursuit of both the consolidation of peace and nation-building. The Middle East is of clear strategic importance to Japan and to the world and our ongoing development of a viable, meaningful, and steadily forged and implemented strategic policy has won us acclaim internationally. With regard to Iraq in particular, we continue to pursue a two-pronged approach to humanitarian and reconstruction assistance, having pledged financial assistance of up to US$5.0 billion as well as providing personnel in Japan's largest security dispatch ever. Moreover, I am actively calling for international cooperation to reconstruct this country. In particular, in March this year, I agreed with the Minister of Foreign Affairs Dominique de Villepin of the French Republic to enhance cooperation in the fields of culture, sport and medical assistance in Iraq.

Consolidation of peace is a topic that is very dear and near to my heart, as I had first announced our fundamental approach to consolidating peace in 2002 during a mission to Afghanistan, the very first country I visited as foreign minister and as the very first foreign minister to stay overnight in Kabul. I have been emphasizing the peace process, domestic security, and reconstruction and humanitarian assistance as three intertwined and complementary components without which the consolidation of peace would be impossible, and these three components are reflected both in our ODA policy and in the many concrete peace-building efforts we have been undertaking in various countries, with the countries of Asia as our focus. Our work to date in both Afghanistan and East Timor serve as excellent examples of our "Consolidation of Peace" policy put into meaningful practice. With Afghanistan's presidential elections approaching only a month from now, Japan is very focused on ways to ensure successful elections. We have also been working actively for the consolidation of peace in Aceh and in the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, and in many ways, especially with regard to our involvement at earlier stages in the peace processes than in times past, Japan is making contributions on this front to a degree never seen before. Just recently, we have also begun to assist more actively and concretely in enhancing peace and stability in Central Asia. I visited four Central Asian republics in late August and announced our desire to create a "Central Asia plus Japan" Dialogue. Fortification of democracy and nation-building in that region is without question of great strategic importance to Japan and the entire international community, and I have great hopes and expectations for our efforts in that area.

Another area in which Japan intends to take an even more significant role is within the United Nations. The international community has entered a very crucial era, as issues ranging from terrorism to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) to poverty alleviation to internal strife all rise to levels of complexity never seen before. To cope with these issues, the United Nations should restyle itself into an organization with better functioning and efficiency. Japan is working tirelessly within the system to have vitally necessary reforms enacted.

Next year, 2005, marks the 60th anniversary of the forming of the UN, and it is also the year in which our progress on the Millennium Development Goals will be assessed. As I announced during my speech to the General Assembly last September, Japan expects much from 2005, and we repeat our call for the Millennium plus Five Event, a 2005 meeting of heads of states and governments regarding the reform of the United Nations overall and a reform of the Security Council in particular.

Finally, I would like to touch on diplomacy issues with neighboring countries. The degree of Japan's interaction with other Asian countries is at a level never seen before, whether you look at government dialogues, private sector cooperative strategies, civil society groups' interactions, or indications of interest at the individual level. Of course, there are many countries with which we are pursuing enhanced ties, but first, let me focus on China in particular. I just returned from Beijing to present at the China Business Summit, and one of the points I emphasized as illustrative of the state of our relationship was not the sheer size of Japan-China interaction, but rather the pace at which it is expanding. We have seen trade with China double and investment triple in just five years-just five years! As we continue to grow closer not just in our economic ties but in every facet of our relationship, we will be meeting up against a greater and greater urgency to work through the points of friction which still remain. We will be pursuing the resolution of many outstanding issues through constructive discussions at a number of levels.

Our increasingly close ties with the Republic of Korea are no less impressive-with the Republic of Korea, too, we have seen almost a full doubling of our trade figures in only five years. These close ties are just part of a sweeping move towards regional integration that is just beginning to gain momentum. While we are still in the early stages of this change, the trend is unmistakable and I am convinced that we will be seeing some truly historic changes in the economic cooperative structure of Asia in the not too distant future. In December 2003, the heads of state of Japan and every country of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) stated their political will to move ahead with the formation of an East Asian Community, and this is something that the entire global community has reason to look forward to. Japan, China, and Korea will of course be center stage in such a Community, and we will be redoubling our efforts to enhance trilateral cooperation in a wide spectrum of affairs.

I would be remiss if I did not also emphasize the importance of enhancing our relationship with the Republic of India, whose peace, stability, and prosperity are essential for not only Asia but the world as a whole. I have visited India twice since I became the foreign minister. Both Japan and India are fully committed to bringing our Global Partnership to even greater heights.

I have picked up on just a very few issues here today among the truly incalculable number of challenges and opportunities which Japan now faces. I think that the points I have emphasized here have given you a good glimpse into the deliberate "outside the box" approach I have taken towards international affairs over the last two and a half years. I do hope that as you cover the news in the months to come, you take notice of the ways in which Japanese policy is moving away from just pushing from behind, and instead taking the clear initiative to lead, pulling those issues into the directions in which we want them to go.

Thank you very much for your kind attention.

Mr. d'Emilia: Thank you very much. Now the floor is open for questions. Please raise your hand and state your name and affiliation if you have one. Thank you.

Mr. Bernd Weiler, Die Welt: Foreign Minister Kawaguchi, you just returned from Beijing. We heard here in Tokyo that there were some advisors to Prime Minister Koizumi urging him to review the defense strategy because China could be a major military threat. How did Beijing receive this message? Also, did you get any clues in Beijing if we will have the Six-Party Talks this September?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Thank you for the question. When I went to Beijing, I had talked with State Councilor Tang Jiaxuan of China who used to be a foreign minister. Also, whenever I go to Beijing or when any leader of this country goes to Beijing or when any leader of China comes to Japan, we talk about the importance of our bilateral relationship. We talk about increasing our common benefits which we could work to increase. That is what is going on between China and Japan. That is the basic thinking that we have towards China. China is an opportunity as Prime Minister Koizumi put it, not a threat to Japan. We are here to work together for the peace and stability of this region for the entire Asia, for the international community. If we work together, there is so much that we can accomplish for peace and stability.

About the Six-Party Talks, China has always been making efforts, tremendous amount of efforts, to host the Six-Party Talks. We certainly appreciate the Chinese efforts. At this time, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has announced publicly that it will not come to the Six-Party Talks even though all six agreed that we would have the next Six-Party Talks by the end of September. I understand that China is making efforts, and we are all making efforts so that we will be able to have the Six-Party Talks within this month. I admit there are speculations that it is getting more and more difficult as days go on.

Ms. Pei-Ling Yang, China Times (Taiwan): I think it is a well-known fact that China is expanding its military budget, and also, as the previous gentleman mentioned, Japan might see China as a potential side on the military side. That is what appeared in the media yesterday. From the point of view of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, what is the viewpoint toward China's expansion on the military side?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Of course, since China is our next-door neighbor, we look at their military budget very closely. We have been saying to China that it should be more transparent about their military budget because it is important for peace and stability in this region. That is our position.

Mr. Kamal Gaballa, Al-Ahram: Your Excellency, have you been following the latest news? There are three latest news. First, Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan said to the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) that the war in Iraq was a big mistake and that it was illegal. Secondly, Secretary of State Colin Powell of the US said that you will not find WMD in Iraq and that there is no link between the regime of Saddam Hussein and Usama bin Laden. Thirdly, Secretary General of the League of Arab States Amre M Moussa said that what is going on in Iraq shows that the war in Iraq was a big mistake, and that we are all opposing the war. My question is, what about Japan? Do you still think that you took the right decision of supporting and invading Iraq? Secondly, do you think you took the right decision to send the troops to Iraq for rebuilding? You see now that the troops are battling against the Iraqis for rebuilding?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Again, thank you for the question. About the Japanese stance on Iraq, if you recall, at that time, there were unanimous resolutions adopted by the Security Council saying that Iraq should do certain things unconditionally and immediately so that it opens itself for the inspectors in an accountable manner to show that they do not have WMD. As the United Nations Security Council agreed, again unanimously, Iraq did not follow these past resolutions. Therefore, through the United Nations resolutions, our thinking has been and is that the action of the United States and other countries to go into Iraq is justified. That is our vision.

We always look at the United Nations resolutions. At that time, it was adopted in such a way that Iraq should be doing certain things unanimously to say that Iraq should be doing certain things which Iraq did not abide by.

About the troops, we feel that the international community should be together and should show our joint efforts to work for humanitarian assistance and reconstruction of Iraq. For that purpose, we have been working by ourselves with other countries. When I say "with other countries," we have been working with some of the Arab countries, we have been working with France, the Federal Republic of Germany so that there is this trilateral cooperation going on with Iraq.

For instance, with France, as I think I talked about in my speech, we helped the Iraqi Olympic teams before the Olympic games. Also, we are helping the Iraqi people with their museum with France. We are also working with other countries on medical care.

Our SDF is not there to fight. They are there for humanitarian and reconstruction work. Our SDF are dispatched within the framework of our Constitution which does not allow us to fight except for self-defense purposes.

Mr. Hasegawa, Nikkei: My question concerns Japan's basic stance on the Four Northern Islands issue. The other day, former Minister for Foreign Affairs Makiko Tanaka came here. She emphasized that the Japanese stance is to require Russia the return of the four islands altogether. But traditionally, Japan's stance is that we should require from Russia the return of the two small islands, so a two-plus-two style. Which is your basic stance?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: None of these I have to say. Of course I do not have to emphasize that the Four Northern Islands are Japanese islands. They belong to us historically and from the international law standpoint. We have been saying to Russia that we should decide on the attribution of these four islands, and then we will conclude a peace treaty with Russia. As our strategy or as our policy which we have agreed with Russia, we have agreed on the Japan-Russia Action Plan, which has six pillars, one of which is peace treaty. We have enhanced our cooperation with Russia in many fields. We talk about security issues, we cooperate on the international scene. We do all these things, but one of the six pillars is peace treaty.

The reason I said "none of these" is that our position is that we will decide on the attribution of these four islands. We have said to Russia that on when and how these islands will be returned, we are flexible. So we are not saying that these four islands should be returned altogether. We are not saying that two of these islands should be attributed, and after that, another two. We are saying that attribution should be decided at the same time, simultaneously.

On the actual timing of the return of the islands, we are flexible. That is our position.

Mr. Sergei Vergazov, ITAR-TASS: I just want to continue the question about territorial dispute and the recent inspection of those territories made by Prime Minister Koizumi. It drew strong criticism in Russia, and I doubt if Japan expected something different. So in Russia, this inspection was assessed as tightening Japan's position on territorial negotiations with Russia. Can you comment on this? What was the aim of this inspection? What did Japan want to show to Russia?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Yes, I am aware that there were some comments made by the Russians to the effect you are describing. We, on this side of the sea, we find it difficult to see why it should be criticized. I have done this last year, and Prime Minister Koizumi just went to see these four islands. I do not see why anything is wrong with this.

Mr. Vergazov: Is that the answer?

Mr. d'Emilia: Are you satisfied with the answer?

Mr. Vergazov: What is the answer?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Well, to answer that in a different way-I think it is very important for politicians, and for that matter all the Japanese public because, I know you think differently, but we think that they are ours. And we are talking very seriously on these between the two governments.

Mr. Vergazov: Does it mean the position is tightening, that the position of Japan is tougher than what it was?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: As I said, our position, as I stated to someone else's question about my position, or the Japanese Government's position, that remains the same.

Mr. Takashi Yokota, Newsweek (Japan): I have one question regarding the recent revelations of the previous nuclear experiments in the Republic of Korea. I was wondering if I could ask you, the ROK Government so far has not sought the accountability of these scientists who were involved in these illegal experiments. Do you believe that the ROK Government is taking this issue seriously and sincerely?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Yes they are. The ROK Government is taking this issue very seriously, and right now, there is the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors Meeting in Vienna, and all the countries think that the ROK issue, the scientists' experiments, etc. should be discussed in a transparent manner at the IAEA Board of Governors Meeting which is being conducted at the moment. I am certain, and the ROK Government has committed that it will deal with this in a transparent manner, and that they have no intention to develop nuclear weapons. They are the very faithful member of Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and IAEA Additional Protocol. That was something which took place about 20 years ago, and the ROK is taking this seriously, and they are trying their best to explain that in a very transparent manner.

Mr. Bernie Chrisher, Cambodia Daily: The last time we met, I think you were at the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), and I was at Newsweek. My question goes back to the question that this gentleman raised about Iraq. At the time that the United States had the preemptive attacks against Iraq, France and Germany and many other European allies did not go along with the United States, but Japan did. The United Nations never supported the preemptive attacks, they asked for inspections and so on. Do you ever foresee a time when Japan might disagree with the United States and go a different route the way France and Germany did, or does Japan always follow what the United States wants to do?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Yes, as I remember, the first time I met you was in the 1970s, so it has been just about 30 years. Hello again.

To answer your question. The United States and Japan are allies. In fact, the United States is the only country that we call an ally, and in addition to the security treaty, we share many things: our values, our faith in democracy, our faith in market economy, our faith in the rules of laws. So we think alike in many ways.

That being said, yes, there are, of course, occasions, many things, in which our views differ, we disagree. Yet as an ally, we think of the most effective means or manner to persuade the United States or to get our views come across to the United States. We have found, as the UK did I think, that it does work much better if we do this very quietly as we have done in many cases.

Some people say that because we are not arguing in front of everyone, we never disagree with whatever the United States says or does. It certainly is not the case, but the manner, the style, is different.

Mr. Inoue: Well I think you are quite right that at all levels, dialogues and cooperation are advancing between China and Japan at all levels except one level, the top level. Prime Minister Koizumi is very stubborn about going to the Yasukuni shrine, and Chinese leaders are under tremendous pressure from public opinions, so it is possible that this kind of stalemate will continue for two more years, because there are two more years in Mr. Koizumi's term. I think this stalemate is killing the momentum for much greater cooperation or a greater dialogue between China and Japan. So would you comment on this, and how you think this situation will improve?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: If you recall in 1995, then-Prime Minister, Mr. Tomiichi Murayama made a statement about what happened and how we feel about that. We said that in the past, and I am not translating it precisely, but something to the effect that in the past, we made a mistake with respect to our national policy, colonized some countries, and waged war, and we regret it. I am not sure if that was the precise translation, the official translation. And we apologized for what we did.

That remains to be the Japanese Government's position, and of course, Prime Minister Koizumi is the leader of the Japanese Government. So, that is our position.

You say that Prime Minister Koizumi is not having an exchange or meetings with the Chinese top leaders. He has been, and he will be. There are many international meetings, and he has had in the past, bilateral meetings with Chinese top leaders. I am certain that he will continue to do so. Many people think that he has no contact with the Chinese leaders. That is not the case at all.

Mr. Leo Lewis, The Times: Just two questions relating to oil, where Japan's dependency is obviously unchanged. The first one is: Can you foresee any circumstances under which Japan might review its investment in Iran? The second questions is: Delighted though I am to hear the spirit of cooperation between Japan and China, can you not also see or foresee circumstances under which there could be quite significant diplomatic fallings-out over oil supply, as, between the two countries, they are in positions, two and three, for world oil demand?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: We have a project with Iran and to get this supply of petroleum is a very important policy target for Japan, because, as you said, our dependency is close to 100% on international oil supply.

At the same time, Japan is the only country in the world which has fallen victim to nuclear bombs, and we feel very strongly that nuclear activities, or we feel very strongly about the ultimate phase out of all nuclear weapons. We have been working very actively on the international scene for the ultimate elimination of nuclear bombs. We have also been very eager about the disarmament process and many other international conventions in this field.

So we have two positions: we talk to the Iranians about their need to comply with all the IAEA resolutions and, again, the IAEA Board of Governors Meeting is being held at the moment in Vienna. That is one policy target and of course oil supply is another policy target. We tell the Iranian Government what we would like them to do and at the same time, we think this oil project is important.

What will happen in the future is not easy to predict. As we have been saying to Iran and we have been saying openly to the public and the international community, we would like Iran to follow and implement the obligations under the IAEA resolutions.

About China and petroleum, yes, I think cooperation on energy is another very possible area of cooperation between Japan and China. China is growing very fast and is purchasing petroleum internationally. We can cooperate with China perhaps on energy conservation. How China could diversify its energy sources, we can cooperate on that. This is potentially a large area of cooperation with China, so, that is how we look at the petroleum or energy situation developing in China vis-a-vis Japan's policy.

Of course we have one issue going on in the East China Sea, and we have been telling China that they need to be transparent and provide us with the information, but we feel it is important that we solve any friction with China by having close dialogue and being transparent about the whole thing.

Ms. Yang: I think the new president of Taiwan, Mr. Chen Shui-bian, has started his second term from this May. After that, China started a big-scale military exercise and the Taiwanese side also started an exercise to counter that. How does Japan assess the current situation in the Taiwan Strait and what are the expectations toward the two sides of the Taiwan Strait?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: About the situation between China and Taiwan, I know that the Chinese Government is becoming very, very sensitive about the development in Taiwan. We feel that a peaceful resolution and dialogue resumption between Taipei and Beijing are very important. Any conflict on either side over the Strait is harmful to peace and stability in this region, and we would like that not to happen. So we have spoken to Taiwan and we have spoken to Beijing that they should resume their talks and that they should refrain from raising their voices on this matter, and that is our stance.

Mr. Gaballa: I have another question. In your excellent report about Japan's foreign diplomacy during your two-and-a-half years, you did not mention even a word about what is going on in the Middle East, I mean specifically, between the Israelis and the Palestinians. As you see, there is a real war in this area now. It is not only in Afghanistan and East Timor, as you mentioned, but it is a real war. President Mohamed Hosni Mubarak of the Arab Republic of Egypt says about terrorism that 50% can be stopped if we solve the problem between the Palestinians and the Israelis. We are all looking toward Japan. I do not know what it means that you did not mention the Palestinian issue during your report. Is Japan neglecting what is going on in the Middle East?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Thank you for mentioning that. In the space of time I had, I did touch on the Middle East policy and I talked about the new dimension that we have vis à vis that. I pay close attention to what is going on in the Middle East. I have made three trips in two years and a half to that region, and I have appointed a Special Envoy for Peace in the Middle East, Ambassador Tatsuo Arima, to be in charge of the issues taking place between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

We feel that this issue is really the heart of the Middle East policy. We think that, again, peaceful resolution of this is very important, and we urge related parties to get back on the Roadmap and we believe in the two-state solution. I talk to the leaders, both of the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority, every once in a while, so we are involved and we will stay involved in that region.

We have been giving ODA to the Palestinian Authority and we have been helping them in many ways, basically in three ways. First is that we assist the Palestinian people with humanitarian assistance. The second point is that we help Palestinians with their reform because it would be important, once Palestine becomes an independent state. It is important that they can function on the first day with their reform completed, so we help their reform. The third is confidence-building. We help both the Palestinians and the Israelis to have contacts. In the past two years and a half, we held two meetings in Tokyo for confidence-building.

The fact that I did not talk about the Israeli-Palestinian issue right here does not mean that it is not important to us. There are many things that are important and especially this Palestinian-Israeli issue is very close to my heart.

Mr. d'Emilia: We would like people who have not asked a question yet. Sorry.

Ms. Nicole Bastian, Handelsblatt Newspaper (Germany): You mentioned that there might be historical changes in Asia occurring. I would like to hear a little bit more about your vision of what will be. What kind of Asia will we see, let us say, in two decades?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: The first question you asked really requires another full speech.

Mr. d'Emilia: Please, next time.

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: It is just that we are developing a sense, shared commonly by the Asian countries, that we should become more of a community, something closer to a community, and that reflects the changes that are taking place outside Asia. The European Union (EU) is expanding, the Americas-the whole continent is becoming one-and as Asians, we are together.

But I hasten to say that when we talk about an East Asian Community, that is not defined in terms of geographical area. Rather, we talk about functional cooperation. We have dialogue partners, ASEAN has dialogue partners. For many things, we have countries outside Asia working together with Asia, so it is more of a functional cooperation that we are talking about. We will be talking about that more in the future. After all, it has taken the EU 60 years to reach this state and we have just started to talk about it.

Ms. Bastian: There are voices in Japan that would favor Japan going nuclear, to have a defensive position in this Asia, which will be changing in the next decades. Could you imagine under certain circumstances Japan going nuclear in the next decades?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: This question is often raised and I do not understand why this should be raised. Nothing is clearer than the fact Japan would not go nuclear - I hope that I did not make a double negative. What I am saying is that we will not go nuclear. Now, we are a member of the NPT and the NPT is a system regime which we feel is very important. If we become nuclear, that means we will be out of it and that really ruins the whole international regime. That is one proof of this.

Another thing is that we have a basic law on the use of nuclear power - or something similar since I may not be translating it exactly. This law says that we should confine ourselves to the peaceful use of nuclear energy, so I have given you enough proof.

Mr. d'Emilia: Sorry, I did not see your hand.

Ms. Michio Ishida, Channel NewsAsia (Singapore TV): I met you before when you were the Environment Minister, that was a couple of years ago.

My question is on China again. You visited China and it was in August when there was some sort of trouble between Japanese and Chinese fans during the Asian Cup match. I was wondering if you brought up this issue with Chinese authorities when you visited. How do you assess this sentiment created between Japan and China? I understand that there is some heightening sentiment even among the Japanese that is quite antagonistic these days, so could you comment on this?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: About this unfortunate soccer match, we talked about this with the Chinese Government at great length at the time. We lodged a protest with the Chinese Government more than once on that issue. Now we talk about how we can expand the important basis of people-to-people communication. In the very near future, there will be a meeting held on the Committee on the 21st Century, which is really the eminent persons' group between Japan and China, to talk about a variety of issues. In that group, we will certainly talk about the communication between the two peoples. China is our next-door neighbor. It is good both for Japan and for China to be communicating well, to be working together for the common good. So I did not specifically talk about this issue when I was there, but we talked about the 21st Century Committee meetings and of course this issue is at the back of both governments' minds.

Mr. d'Emilia: I understand your very strict schedule, so I am afraid we have to call it a day. But if I may make the last question. Sorry.

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: The toughest question.

Mr. d'Emilia: No, I do not know. A serious one. Despite repeated appeals from the European Union and even threats by the European Council to suspend Japan's observer status at the European Council, Japan has carried out two capital executions in the past days. Apart from your personal opinion, which if you feel like, we would like to hear, as minister for foreign affairs of Japan, the person in charge of ultimate public relations for your country, would you not feel like advising your prime minister to consider, at least, a moratorium de facto on capital punishment?

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: The implementation of capital punishment is under the sole authority or jurisdiction of the minister of justice, and he probably, as the newspaper reports, carries this out.

About capital punishment, I think, views differ among individuals, among countries, and I think this is something which needs to be debated continuously. Within Japan, people are talking about this, but I do not think that there are many prevailing views either way on this in Japan yet.

Mr. d'Emilia: Thank you very much for joining us tonight and let me give you, on behalf of the Foreign Correspondents' Club, this honorary membership. We just gave this to your predecessor, Ms. Makiko Tanaka, last week. It is our hope that, sooner or later, you may come here and meet her and we could all have a nice chat. Thank you very much.

Foreign Minister Kawaguchi: Thank you. I have been trying to use this many times. I never got to use this, but this time, maybe I will use it. Thank you.

Mr. d'Emilia: Please, can you remain seated while the minister leaves the room. Thank you very much.