2. Principal Addresses by Japanese Delegations
(1) Statement by H. E. Mr. Shintaro Abe, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan at the Japan-ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Manila
(June 26, 1986)
Peace and Prosperity in Asia
-Toward a Creative Partnership-
Your Excellency Foreign Minister Tengku Ahmad Rithauddeen,
Distinguished ASEAN Foreign Ministers,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am most grateful to H. E. Mr. Rithauddeen for his kind words of welcome for me.
Four years have passed since my appointment as Foreign Minister and this is the fourth time for me to attend the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference.
It is always a great pleasure for me to meet with the distinguished colleagues from the ASEAN countries.
The relations between Japan and the countries of Asia including the ASEAN countries have witnessed steady progress. As the one directly responsible for Japan's foreign relations, I am very pleased with this development.
Assessment of the Asian Situation
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our Asia has distinguished itself over the past two decades with its remarkable economic development. The countries in East Asia have made strides in economic progress and increased political stability to a degree unknown in other development areas. In particular, ASEAN countries, by promoting intra-regional cooperation, have been successful in raising the resilience of individual member countries and of the group as a whole. The ASEAN's achievement in economic development deserves special mention as a model case in the industrialization of developing countries.
East Asia, encompassing many countries which have realized dynamic economic growth, has now become one of the greatest sources of vitality sustaining the world economy. Asia's success has historical significance in that it has given bright hope for the objective of economic development, a common aspiration of people around the world.
As an Asian, I take personal pride in this success.
The Asian countries are steadily increasing their role in the international political arena as well. Their basic orientations are firmly for peace and they are actively working to secure peace in the region. They aspire for a sustained peaceful international environment so that they can better concentrate on their most important domestic political task of promoting economic development and raising people's standards of living.
The untiring peace efforts of the ASEAN countries concerning the Cambodian problem, the moves toward North-South dialogue on the Korean Peninsula and the establishment of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in Southwest Asia; all these should be viewed as part of a broader current of selfreliant efforts of Asia to secure peace.
I attach great importance to the historic implication and potential of this new trend in Asia.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Asia's voyage, however, will not always be blessed by favorable winds. Its economy is now facing a serious trial. Politically, an early solution to the Cambodian problem is not easily foreseen and tension continues in other parts of the region as well.
Particularly since the turn of the decade, many Asian countries have been facing the slowdown of economic growth or, at worst, even negative growth. This has been caused by such developments as deceleration in the growth of the developed economies, deteriorating primary commodity prices, and protectionist trends. Japan has itself experienced the growing pains as a developing country in the not so distant past, and can easily understand how trying economic stagnation can be to developing countries, and what serious implications it has beyond the economic realm, with social and even political consequences.
The state of affairs in Asia today leads me to believe that the Asian countries are now at an historical turning point in the course of their development. In other words, the recent slowdown in economic growth of many Asian countries signifies that they have completed a certain stage of development and are at a point of transition preparing for the next stage yet higher.
It is with these ideas that I have come to Manila.
Analyzing and evaluating past history is perhaps a task for historians, but it is up to us statesmen acutely to discern an historical turning point, to seize it as an opportunity, and provide the proper response in anticipation of the future to come. It is then of great significance for both ASEAN and Japan that we are gathered here at this Conference against this historic background. I hope that, on this occasion, we, my distinguished colleagues and friends from ASEAN and myself, will take a greater stride forward for grappling creatively with this historic task, and thus strengthen the creative partnership between Japan and ASEAN for building peace and prosperity in Asia.
Our Asia is endowed with a vast domain, abundant natural resources, and, most important of all, excellent human resources. There is immeasurable potential for further development toward the fast approaching 21st century and the future beyond.
The challenges before us may be difficult, but I am confident that no problems will be too difficult to solve once we summon the wisdom of Asia.
Japan's Asian Policy
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am convinced that consistency and adaptability are both essential in foreign policy. Consistency in the foreign policy of a country, so long as it is justifiable, will win the trust of the other party and the international community as a whole. However, consistency must not mean inflexibility and it should allow for adaptability enabling a country to respond effectively to different situations as they arise. Japan's fundamental policy toward Asia has been a consistent one, as it has been made clear on many occasions. I will therefore not try to add any new precepts but identify the course of action Japan should pursue at this historic turning point in Asia, on the basis of this established policy.
The first pillar of Japan's Asian policy is "Japan's contribution as a country committed to peace." It is Japan's basic, consistent policy stance and the firm determination of the Japanese people to observe the lessons of history and never again become a military power. Therefore, Japan will continue to reject a militaly role for itself in Asia. Indeed, it is my conviction that one of the major avenues for Japan to contribute to peace and prosperity in Asia is to steadfastly maintain its commitment to peace and utilize its capabilities solely for non-military purposes. This means that Japan will not be satisfied with pursuing peace merely for itself, but will make active contributions, together with ASEAN and other peace-loving nations, to such efforts as peaceful settlement of conflicts, relaxation of tensions and promotion of dialogue.
It goes without saying that the earliest possible settlement of the Cambodian problem is a prerequisite for establishing lasting peace in Southeast Asia. I have already expressed in detail Japan's views and policy regarding this issue in the Post-Ministerial Conference. Japan will continue its forceful support of the efforts the ASEAN countries have taken on to themselves for the peaceful settlement of the problem. It will also continue to make active contribution to engendering an environment conducive to peace by promoting dialogue with the countries concerned including Vietnam.
The second pillar of Japan's Asian policy is "promotion of mutual understanding through continuous dialogue and heart-to-heart exchange for the establishment of mutual trust."
For this purpose there is a strong need to deepen mutual understanding at a popular level between Japan and Asian countries including those of ASEAN. Japan has already been making such efforts as to mutually strengthen facilities for language education, expand exchange programs for our youth, who will be at the forefront of the next generation, and to promote area studies and better appreciation of respective cultures on both sides. In this connection, I am appreciative of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' favorable reference in their communique to the satisfactory progress made in these fields. We will continue to vigorously expand and strengthen such activities.
Today, when Asia is at an historical turning point and faces unprecedented, difficult problems, Japan and the ASEAN countries need positively to pursue dialogue and exchange in a broad range so that we may better understand each other's problems and views, become bosom friends, and use our creative imagination together to find a path to future prosperity. Therefore, I wish to stress the importance of deepening and expanding exchanges, as well as continuous dialogue, between Japan and the ASEAN countries.
The third pillar of Japan's Asian Policy is "establishment of a cooperative relationship between Japan and ASEAN capable of effective response to a changing environment."
As I stated at the outset, many of the Asian countries including the ASEAN states are confronted with serious economic difficulties as reflected in sluggish exports and the shortage of funds for economic development, owing particularly to the slower growth in the developed economies and the fall in primary commodity prices.
This situation represents a major challenge for developing countries and is the most important problem requiring urgent solution.
The manner in which the ASEAN countries tackle this problem could affect their long-term development strategy for the future and, further, have certain bearing on their resilience as nations.
Therefore, Japan wishes to extend actively its cooperation to the ASEAN countries to support their efforts to overcome these difficulties as their partner in Asia.
In order to make certain that Japan can extend "sincere and truly effective cooperation", there is an urgent need for the ASEAN countries to take the initiative in formulating a development program attuned to the changing environment and for Japan and the ASEAN countries to establish, through continuous dialogue, a cooperative framework which will ensure flexible and prompt response to the true needs and changing circumstances of ASEAN.
In the Third Medium Term Target for ODA (Official Development Assistance) Expansion starting from this year, Japan will continue to regard the ASEAN countries as its most important partners and will pursue cooperation with them in the spirit I have just described.
To elaborate on our economic cooperation to the ASEAN countries, I wish to take up a few specific points.
The first point is the question of local cost financing. Japan is prepared to consider making ODA loans available for local cost financing as well taking into account the situation in each of the ASEAN countries which require such financing, and in line with our basic principle of assisting the self-help efforts of the recipient countries.
Secondly, while the emphasis is on project aid, Japan will also consider diversifying the forms of its economic cooperation with a views to assisting specific policy objectives or comprehensive development programs in the developing countries.
My third point concerns technical cooperation and its diversification. Being responsive to the current needs of the ASEAN countries, Japan intends to place added emphasis on technical cooperation programs in coordination with financial assistance as necessary, in such areas as integrated assistance for export promotion through product quality and testing capability improvement, investment promotion through the organization of symposia and the dispatching of advisors, and cooperation in the field of high technology. It will also strengthen cooperation in what might be called the "soft-oriented approach" by assisting in the creation of an environment which will facilitate technical transfer by the Japanese private sector which possesses valuable know-how.
There has been increased interest among the Japanese general public in the way economic assistance is utilized as we must contend with very serious fiscal difficulties. I believe this is also the case in the ASEAN countries as well. Under these circumstances, it is imperative for us to ensure the proper, effective and efficient implementation of our economic assistance by promoting increased cooperation with the ASEAN countries to strengthen policy dialogue and improve prior surveys and subsequent evaluation.
Trade is another important area for Japan-ASEAN economic cooperation.
The promotion of exports will continue to be extremely important for the economic development of the ASEAN countries. For this reason, Japan carefully considered their concerns when it decided last year on the Action Program for improved access to the Japanese market, covering both tariff and non-tariff areas. I hope these efforts, along with such factors as the recent appreciation of the Yen, will lead to increased ASEAN exports to Japan.
Both Japan and ASEAN share an interest in stemming protectionist pressures and maintaining and strengthening the free trade system. Therefore, Japan wishes to join forces with the ASEAN countries to promote the GATT New Round.
For ASEAN to increase its exports, it needs to reorient the traditional export structure, dependent on primary commodities, by diversifying the product range of exports. While hoping the ASEAN countries will achieve fruitful results from their efforts already in progress in this area, Japan is prepared to extend all possible support to them in their endeavors. Moreover, the further promotion of ASEAN exports of manufactured goods to Japan must be pursued within a wider and historic framework. It must be carried out in the context of transforming economic structures of both Japan and ASEAN and against the background of global economic structural adjustment. In this connection, I welcome the recent developments in some of the ASEAN countries in approaching the task of structural adjustment in a comprehensive manner. I am also encouraged by the increased interest taken by Japanese firms in establishing their plants abroad in view of the recent appreciation of the Yen.
I believe that investment and technology transfers from Japan will play an increasingly important role in effecting such structural adjustment and raising the ASEAN economies to a higher level. Again, Japan is resolved to strengthen its cooperation to help achieve an environment which will facilitate Japanese investment and technology transfer to the ASEAN countries and looks forward to efforts on their part for the same objective.
Particularly as the private sector plays a major role in this area, close coordination between the government and the private sector is essential to the cooperation between Japan and the ASEAN countries. There was a common recognition on this point in the Japan-ASEAN Economic Ministerial Conference held in Tokyo last year. I wish to underline the need for government-private sector cooperation and recommend that the government and the private sector in both Japan and the ASEAN countries intensify their consultations at various levels, and also create more systematic links between various avenues of contacts.
At the same time, Japan is determined to continue to support the initiative of the ASEAN countries in pursuing intra-regional cooperation and extend its cooperation in this area.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
As I expressed earlier, Asia is now at an historical turning point, particularly with regard to economic development. ASEAN and other countries of Asia are confronted with difficult tasked of extreme urgency. This very hour of difficulty should rather be seen as an opportunity for us to display our creative imagination to reach for a higher stage of development.
Our Asia has tremendous potentials. We have inherited the profound wisdom and rich diversity in culture and tradition from our forefathers. Creative concepts and sweeping changes in patterns of thought are most likely to emerge from diversity. From this diversity will be born a new wisdom relevant not only to Asia but to the world as a whole.
Now is the time, when Asia is facing a difficult, uncharted course, that ASEAN and Japan should strengthen their creative partnership and muster their wisdom to realize the peace and prosperity of Asia.
I am confident that through our efforts, a brightest future will dawn upon us.
(2) Speech of Foreign Minister Kuranari in the GATT CONTRACTING PARTIES Session at Ministerial Level
(September 15, 1986)
On behalf of the Japanese Government and people, I should like to offer you my warmest congratulations on Your Excellency's appointment as Chairman of this CONTRACTING PARTIES Session at Ministerial Level. I am firmly convinced that, under Your Excellency's outstanding chairmanship, this meeting will be a signal success, and assure you that our delegation will do its utmost to ensure the attainment of that end.
I should also like to express my most sincere gratitude for the thorough preparations and heartwarming welcome, for which we stand indebted to the united efforts of your Government and people.
Permit me, also, to take this opportunity to pay grateful tribute to Mr. Dunkel, Secretary-General of GATT and Chairman of the Preparatory Committee, for his truly invaluable contribution to the organizing of this meeting, and to all other members of the GATT Secretariat.
It was in November, 1983, that our Prime Minister, Mr. Nakasone proposed the launching of the New Round, convinced of "the importance of promoting the preparation of a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in order to consolidate the free trading system and to inspire renewed confidence in the world economy", and against the background of mounting pressure for protectionism caused by stagnation of the world economy after the second oil crisis.
Ever since that proposal was made, Japan has cooperated wholeheartedly with the countries which share this aspiration, making every effort to bring about the launching of the New Round.
Japan is very pleased to see that those efforts are now about to bear fruit, that the launching of the New Round is about to become a reality. We are also deeply conscious of the importance of making the final effort that is still needed to ensure the start of negotiations. The Japanese delegation came to this meeting with a sense of historic mission and firmly resolved to launch the New Round. I am convinced that all the Ministers gathered here share that determination and sense of mission.
There are a number of encouraging signs in the world economy, among them control of inflation and generally lower interest rates. Nevertheless, many problems still remain-not only fiscal deficits, payments imbalances, serious unemployment, mounting protectionist pressure in many countries and deterioration of the debt situation in some countries, but also persisting uncertainty about the outlook for oil and primary commodity prices.
Adequate trade and macro-economic policies are now equally necessary, if we are to solve these problems. As we see in the Tokyo Summit Declaration, progress has been made for increased international cooperation in both the macro-economic and monetary areas. Similar international cooperation is now urgently needed in trade. I firmly believe that international cooperation in the area of trade is exactly to promote the New Round itself.
The New Round must prevent the principles of GATT from becoming a dead letter and achieve the restructuring of the open multilateral trade system.
The New Round should be designed to give further reduction and elimination of trade barriers.
The New Round must improve the trade environment for developing countries. It will be necessary, in this connection, to pay close attention to the problems of debt accumulation.
The New Round must ensure a fully effective response on the part of GATT to new areas, given the importance of structural changes in world economy, particularly the growth of new areas of trade, such as trade in services.
Should this meeting fail to produce satisfactory results, the consequences for world trade and the world economy -the proliferation of protectionism and the shrinking of world trade- are too grave to contemplate.
We, as statesmen, are entrusted with the historic task of resisting protectionism, maintaining and strengthening the free trade system and establishing the trade system as the foundation for peace and prosperity for mankind in the 21st century.
Fortunately, thanks to the Preparatory Committee, which began its work in January, we have before us a Draft Ministerial Declaration which already has the support of as many as nearly fifty countries. It is a Draft on which we could build the success of this meeting.
I wish to reiterate, with great emphasis, that Japan supports this declaration. We are convinced that it is the best and most possibly attainable text, elaborated by the cooperative efforts of many countries to give the fairest and most workable balance of national interests. I hope most earnestly that all the participating countries will make the final effort needed for consensus on the basis of this draft declaration.
What is required of us here is a task of true statesmanship. Let us here affirm the political will to give the New Round to the world.
Thirteen years ago Japan was host to the Tokyo Conference, which announced the launching of the Tokyo Round.
I believe that the unanimous assessment of the Tokyo Round is that it was one of the greatest contributions to overcoming the difficulties that confronted the world economy.
A former Prime Minister of Japan, the late Mr. Masayoshi Ohira, who was Foreign Minister at the time of the Tokyo Conference, acted as the Chairman of the Tokyo Conference. It gives me very great pleasure to be attending, as Japan's present Foreign Minister, this meeting held to announce a round of negotiations anew since 1973.
A little while ago, I made a proposal that the New Round be called the Uruguay Round.
I hope most fervently that all the developing countries will take the fullest possible advantage of the forthcoming Uruguay Round to expand their trade and attain further economic development. Japan, for its part, is fully conscious of its international role and responsibilities as a nation that has managed to transform itself into an advanced industrial country.
Japan, which has been energetically promoting a series of measures to open its domestic market, including action programmes to give improved market access, is now embarking upon restructuring of its own economy and society, which is an unprecedented endeavor, through a continuing review of policies designed to promote reform of the economic structure. It is also in this context that the New Round will provide the important opportunities for Japan to achieve further progress and prosperity.
Fully conscious of the responsibilities to be shared by an important member of the international community, Japan here once again affirms its determination to resolutely execute whatever domestically possible as well as to make constructive joint efforts for the success of the New Round of negotiations.
Naturally, there are differences of opinion and interests among our countries on various issues, including those of new issues and agriculture. However, I am firmly convinced that the Ministers here assembled also seek a common objective that transcends short-term national interests. There are still obstacles in the way to the success of the Uruguay Round of negotiation, but let us make the first step forward towards our goal here in Punta del Este.
(3) Statement by H. E. Tadashi Kuranari, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, at the 41st Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations
(September 23, 1986)
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, distinguished delegates,
I should like first, on behalf of the Government and people of Japan, to express my sincere congratulations to Your Excellency on your election to the presidency of this 41st Session of the United Nations General Assembly. I am certain that this Session will be a truly fruitful one, benefiting immensely from your rich experience, keen insight and decisiveness, as it deals with the many difficult problems before it. As a fellow Asian, I assure you that the delegation of Japan will cooperate in every possible way to help you in carrying out your important duties.
At the same time, I must express our sincere appreciation to the President of the 40th Session of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Jaime de Pinies, for the excellent manner in which he has discharged his responsibilities. Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay high tribute to the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who has been working tirelessly to resolve numerous international problems, and in so doing has travelled to all corners of the world.
Before beginning my formal remarks today, I should like to express Japan's heartfelt sympathies to the people of Cameroon, particularly those who have suffered as a result of the toxic gas released from Lake Nios. Itself a country of many volcanos, Japan immediately dispatched a survey team to see what could be done to alleviate suffering and to prevent similar incidents in the future. Japan stands ready to consider additional relief assistance as necessary.
I should also like to express our sincere sympathies to the many people who are suffering as a result of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in the Soviet Union last April. This accident has served to highlight anew the very serious international responsibilities of all countries that use nuclear energy, and in this context I wish to commend the International Atomic Energy Agency, which has expeditiously drawn up draft conventions for dealing with future accidents of a similar nature.
On the occasion of the commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of the United Nations last year, distinguished delegates from around the globe spoke to the world from this podium of the founding principles of the United Nations, its raison d'etre, and its problems. Having weathered four decades, the United Nations became the focus of renewed attention from all quarters.
The major theme of the deliberations last year was a reaffirmation of the United Nations' increasingly important role in the search for world peace and prosperity. As was suggested by Prime Minister Nakasone, the United Nations is the perfect vehicle for promoting mutual appreciation and respect among the various cultures of the world and for building a new and harmonious civilization for the 21st century.
Yet concern has been expressed that the United Nations might suffer functional paralysis should it fail to promptly achieve the reforms necessary to rectify the very serious administrative and financial situation, caused in part by organizational over-expansion.
At the Fortieth Session of the General Assembly my predecessor, Foreign Minister Abe, squarely addressed this problem and proposed that a group of eminent persons be established in an effort to revitalize the organization and functions of the United Nations. This proposal was based on our conviction that the United Nations is essential to the entire international community, including, of course, my own country, and was an expression of Japan's steadfast support for this indispensable world Organization.
Happily, Foreign Minister Abe's proposal was accepted by the Member States, and the eighteen-member Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts was established. Bringing to their work superior wisdom, rich experience, and a thorough knowledge of the acute problems facing the United Nations, this Group has labored intensively to produce the report it recently submitted to the Secretary-General. None of the similar efforts to reform the United Nations in the past has produced as comprehensive and constructive a report as the one submitted by this Group. I wish to pay my sincere tribute to all the members of this Group. The determination and vigour with which they accomplished their task are, indeed, the very attributes needed for the revitalization of this Organization.
The Group's report contains many constructive recommendations for making the United Nations a more efficient organization, and I wholeheartedly support them. I very much hope that at this 41st Session the Assembly will consider these recommendations and that they will be implemented as soon as possible with the support of all Member States. The United Nations should then be able to regain the trust of all the peoples of the world, gain the ability to respond promptly and effectively to any situation that may arise, and in this way serve as a model for all the bodies within the United Nations system.
What, then, should the United Nations do when it has begun to function more effectively and efficiently? What should be done in order to eliminate conflicts and famine, and to eradicate terrorism which has recently claimed so many victims, so that ordinary people throughout the world may live a peaceful and prosperous life, free from anxiety?
What the world today expects of the United Nations is first, the maintenance of international peace and security, and second, international cooperation for economic, social, and cultural development. But as we discuss these issues it is impossible not to address also the question of disarmament.
If you will allow me to interject a personal note, I was born and raised in the city of Nagasaki in southwest Japan. Nagasaki was well known as Japan's only foreign trade port during its two and a half centuries of national seclusion, from the 17th to the 19th century. In the final days of World War II Nagasaki again became famous as the only other city besides Hiroshima to have been the target of an atomic bomb.
Returning home soon after the war's end, I was confronted with the rubble that was once Nagasaki and with the misery of its people. I joined the government of the city in order to put all of my energies into rebuilding it. At the same time, having witnessed the effect of this awesome weapon, I began to give serious thought, not only as a public servant but also as a concerned individual, to the question of how to maintain peace in the nuclear age and how to deliver mankind from the nuclear threat. When I think about the destruction wrought by nuclear weapons, I am unshakable in my conviction: all nuclear weapons must be abolished.
Voicing such a belief is easy. Today's world would be very different if statements or declarations in and of themselves could bring about true peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons. What is important are deeds. However modest, concrete and steady action alone can contribute to peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons.
The nuclear superpowers have especially grave responsibilities in this effort to save mankind from the nuclear threat. President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev at their summit meeting last November agreed that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Before concrete actions to reduce nuclear weapons can be taken, it is necessary to establish relations of mutual political trust between the states concerned. The East-West political dialogue, with impetus from last year's U.S.-Soviet summit, has begun to be held at a higher level and with greater frequency, and this is an important first step toward the establishment of such mutual trust. It has become a major responsibility of all countries participating in the East-West political dialogue, including Japan, to ensure that it bears fruit.
For every country, the issue of disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is inextricably linked to its own security. Thus we must bear in mind that any special proposal for nuclear disarmament which does not give due consideration to the security interests of other parties would be counterproductive and undermine mutual trust.
Moreover, we believe that a satisfactory system of verification must be established to ensure compliance with disarmament and arms control agreements, and to strengthen relations of mutual trust. My country, in its efforts to achieve a comprehensive nuclear test ban, has proposed a step-by-step approach to the establishment of an effective verification system. Following up on this proposal, Japan proposed at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva last April that more detailed seismic data be exchanged in order to enhance verification capabilities, and interested countries will begin doing so on an experimental basis this December. I hope that these efforts will greatly contribute to the goal of a comprehensive nuclear test ban.
Dealing with the nuclear problem, we must face the reality that the existing nuclear balance works as a deterrent. It is therefore necessary, while continuing the dialogue to build up mutual trust, to make steadfast efforts to gradually reduce nuclear stockpiles without upsetting a proper balance. I am convinced that this is the only way we can hope to abolish ultimately all nuclear weapons and ensure that the people of Nagasaki will be the last to experience the horror of a nuclear attack.
In view of the especially grave responsibilities of the two nuclear superpowers on this issue of peace and disarmament, I sincerely hope that the United States and the Soviet Union will hold a second summit meeting soon, as agreed last November, and that major progress will be made toward resolving the various issues between them, including that of nuclear disarmament and arms control.
We should also like to see a redoubling of international efforts at the United Nations, at the Conference on Disarmament and elsewhere to reach concrete agreement in the field of disarmament, including especially a comprehensive nuclear test ban and a ban on the use of chemical weapons. We should strive also to preserve and strengthen the regime of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. I renew my pledge that Japan will contribute actively to such efforts in these forums, including this General Assembly Session.
Having stated Japan's basic position on the issue of disarmament in general, I must here say a few words about the SS-20s that the Soviet Union has deployed in Asia. Japan very strongly hopes that the INF negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union will deal with SS-20s on a global basis and lead to their total elimination, both in Asia and in Europe.
While Japan has long hoped to establish stable relations based upon mutual understanding with its important neighbor, the Soviet Union, it is essential first to resolve the territorial issue still pending since World War II and to conclude a peace treaty embodying this settlement. I am confident that resolving this territorial issue will contribute significantly to peace and stability in the Far East and all of Asia.
Along with the issue of disarmament, the question of how to resolve regional problems and local conflicts has an important bearing on the issue of world peace. While the primary goal of the United Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security, there have been over 150 local conflicts since its founding, many of which still continue without any sign of abatement.
I should like to turn now to some of the regional problems that confront the international community, and Japan's policy regarding them.
One of the most urgent among these is how to induce the Government of South Africa to abandon its policy of apartheid. This is an issue on which the entire international community must focus its attention.
Barring the vast majority of the South African people from participating in the political process and subjecting them to numerous other forms of discrimination simply because of the color of their skin, apartheid is absolutely intolerable to all who share mankind's ideal of respect for human rights. I am gravely concerned that the situation in South Africa is quickly deteriorating because its Government not only persists in practicing apartheid but has taken to such reprehensible acts as attacking neighboring countries, and has declared a state of emergency throughout its territory. The situation in South Africa must be resolved by peaceful means, and it is imperative that all parties concerned make every effort to avoid further bloodshed.
The Government of South Africa has recently announced a series of reform measures, but regrettably these are not the basic reforms needed to effect the abolition of apartheid. Japan has availed itself of every opportunity to strongly urge the Government of South Africa to have the courage to take decisive political actions to promptly abolish apartheid, free Nelson Mandela, legalize the ANC and other political organizations, and enter into discussions with black leaders.
Japan maintains no diplomatic relations with South Africa, limiting its relations to the consular level. It has imposed restrictions on relations with that country in a wide range of fields. For example, Japan prohibits direct investment; it prohibits the export of weapons and computers; it has adopted trade restrictions such as those on the import of South African gold coins; and it severely restricts sports and cultural contacts. On 19 September my Government announced its decision to take additional steps until such time as the Government of South Africa announces clear and specific measures to abolish apartheid. These include a prohibition on the import of iron and steel, restrictions on tourist travel between Japan and South Africa, the continuation of the suspension of air links with South Africa, and a prohibition on the use of international flights of South African Airways by government officials.
While taking these measures against South Africa, Japan intends to step up its economic cooperation with other countries in the region which may encounter economic difficulties as a result of developments in South Africa. Japan will also expand and strengthen its cooperative efforts to enhance the status of South Africa's black population.
At the same time, Japan deplores South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia, and we believe this illegal situation must be ended as soon as possible. Namibian independence should be achieved in full accordance with United Nations Security Council resolutions 385 and 435, which constitute the only acceptable basis for a peaceful, just and enduring settlement. Japan hopes that elections for independence will be held under United Nations supervision and that the day will soon come when we will be able to welcome Namibia to United Nations membership.
As for the situation in Afghanistan, Japan strongly appeals to the countries concerned to come to an agreement through positive cooperation with the good offices of the United Nations, for the prompt withdrawal of all Soviet military forces, the restoration of the Afghan people's right to self-determination, and a safe and honorable return for the refugees. In this connection we support the efforts of the Secretary-General in the proximity talks for the resolution of this problem.
It is likewise most regrettable that the situation between Iran and Iraq remains tense, with hostilities between them continuing and even showing signs of intensifying and posing a major hazard to shipping in the Gulf. I appreciate the efforts made by the Security Council for a peaceful solution to this conflict, and call upon the Council to continue to play a just and more active role. I should also point out once again the need for both Iran and Iraq to respond to these Security Council efforts by appearing before the Council and stating their positions there. I support the efforts of the Secretary-General for a solution to this conflict, and hope a way will be found to open a dialogue between the two parties. Japan intends to continue its efforts in cooperation with like-minded countries to create a climate conducive to peace between Iran and Iraq.
Peace in the Middle East is one of the oldest and most tragic of the problems with which the United Nations has grappled. In order that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace may be achieved in the Middle East, I strongly hope that all of the parties concerned will redouble their efforts for peace. Japan appreciates the sincere efforts of the parties concerned to attain peace, efforts exemplified by the decision to make 1987 the "Year of Negotiations for Peace." I assure you that Japan will also do everything it can to realize peace in the Middle East.
In Central America, Japan hopes that the regional efforts will soon yield a peaceful solution. In this context, we strongly support the efforts of the Contadora Group and other forces for peace in the region.
I find it most deplorable that, despite the resolutions adopted every year by the overwhelming majority of the General Assembly, the situation in Kampuchea remains unresolved and continues to pose a major threat to peace and stability in Asia. Japan has long called for an early and comprehensive political solution of the Kampuchean problem, based on the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and on the exercise of the right of self-determination by the Kampuchean people. It strongly supports the efforts of the ASEAN countries to this end. At the same time, Japan will continue its dialogue with Vietnam and all of the other countries concerned in an active effort to create a climate conducive to peace in Indochina.
The situation on the Korean Peninsula, just a short stretch of water away from Japan, continues to be tense.
Because this problem is one that should be peacefully resolved primarily through direct talks between North and South Korea, it is unfortunate that North Korea continues to be opposed to the resumption of talks. Japan hopes that substantive dialogue between the two sides will be resumed as soon as possible.
The Xth Asian Games are currently being held in Seoul with the participation of a large number of young people from throughout Asia. Prime Minister Nakasone's attendance at the opening ceremonies is a demonstration of Japan's full support for the Games. Their success, as a prelude to the 1988 Seoul Olympics, is important, we believe, because it will contribute to the stabilization of the situation on the Korean Peninsula.
Japan has often indicated that, if both North and South would consider joining the United Nations as a step toward the reunification of the Korean Peninsula, it would welcome and support their membership. This would contribute to relaxing tensions and enhancing the principle of universality of the United Nations. Considering that North and South have already both joined a number of United Nations specialized agencies, I believe the time is ripe for the Organization to admit both North and South as members.
Each of these regional disputes and local conflicts has its own distinct cause, its own complex history, and it would be extremely difficult to solve them all at once. However, the United Nations must by no means remain a bystander. It is true that the United States and the Soviet Union play a major role in the maintenance of international peace and security. This does not mean, however, that these superpowers are the only determining factors and that there is little the United Nations can do.
Just as it would be a mistake to overestimate the ability of the United Nations as a peacekeeper, so would it be wrong to disregard or underestimate its potential as an effective force in this field. In fact, the United Nations has already contributed to preventing and containing conflicts in a number of critical situations.
Japan believes that the peacekeeping role of the United Nations should be strengthened, and in this regard I wish to make two points.
First, it is imperative that all the Member States of the Organization continue to work seriously to revitalize the Security Council. In particular, I appeal strongly to its permanent members to join together to take positive steps to strengthen its functioning and to fulfill the grave responsibilities that go with their privileges.
Second, we the Member States must reaffirm the role that the United Nations organs can play in the maintenance of peace and security, and seek ways in which each of our roles can be integrated with those of the United Nations. Given the way the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretary-General have contributed to the prevention of conflicts through their fact-finding, informal contacts and good offices, it would seem that the most practical approach to strengthening the United Nations' peacekeeping role would be to enhance these functions.
In this connection, I should like to refer to the working paper on the prevention of conflicts, which Japan and five other Member States prepared in response to the appeals by the Secretary-General, particularly in his annual reports. The working paper, which has been studied for three years by the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, is aimed at enhancing the role which the main U.N. organ can play within the framework of the Charter for the purpose of preventing conflicts from arising and eliminating the threat of conflict, thereby promoting the fullest possible use of the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations as a whole. I sincerely hope that this working paper will be adopted as a declaration of the General Assembly as soon as possible. In this way, every Member State would reaffirm the importance of world peace and its own commitment to the role of the United Nations.
It is by no means easy to strengthen the United Nations peacekeeping functions. Yet I would recall here the words of Mr. Cordel Hull, the United States Secretary of State during World War II and a founding father of the United Nations, who said that what this Organization needs is time, perseverance and a spirit of cooperation. It is precisely in these trying times, when the interests of countries are so intertwined, that we must, as suggested by Mr. Hull, seek to make the United Nations not a forum for acrimonious debate but a place where through tenacious effort we can explore, devise and implement solutions to the many problems that confront us.
Along with its peacekeeping functions, the United Nations also has an important role to play in promoting social and economic development worldwide, especially in developing countries. Given that many regional conflicts are sparked by poverty and starvation, it is impossible to overemphasize the importance of this role. The developing countries of Latin America, Asia, Oceania, and Africa are facing severe economic difficulties as a result, for example, of the collapse in commodity prices and their burgeoning external debts, and I am concerned that these difficulties may endanger political stability in these regions. Japan is determined to extend as much assistance as it can to those developing countries as they strive to overcome their economic difficulties.
On the question of multilateral trade negotiations, I am pleased to report that agreement to launch a New Round was reached at the GATT Ministerial Conference held just last week at Punta del Este. Steady expansion of exports is of primary importance for the sound economic growth of developing countries, and I am confident that improvements in the trading environment resulting from progress in this New Round will work to their benefit. As for Japan, we are continuing our positive efforts to further improve market access and to stimulate domestic demand. Our imports of manufactures and other products from developing countries are on the increase, especially with the recent appreciation of the yen, and we intend to step up our efforts for economic structural adjustment and to expand our trade with these countries.
Despite its difficult fiscal straits, Japan has committed itself to disbursing at least $40 billion within the seven year period from 1986 to 1992, and in 1992 to providing double the amount of ODA it extended in 1985, in accordance with its Third Medium-Term Target. This commitment was made in keeping with Japan's policy of actively supporting the self-reliant efforts of developing countries toward economic and social growth and improved standards of living and welfare. Japan stands ready to offer all possible support to ensure that the economic difficulties in developing countries do not seriously hinder their development plans.
In order to ensure that our cooperation with the developing countries' self-reliant efforts is managed properly, effectively, and efficiently, it is imperative that they themselves draw up development plans consistent with changing conditions and their development needs. It is also important that there be in-depth policy dialogue on these development plans, and that arrangements be made to facilitate dynamic cooperation between the donor and recipient countries in a genuine partnership. It will then be possible for Japan and developing countries to draw up assistance and cooperation programmes best suited to their needs and conditions and establish a genuine partnership between them.
Humanitarian relief assistance to peoples in danger of starvation or suffering from natural disasters is another important part of Japanese official development assistance. Based on our experiences in connection with last year's earthquake in Mexico and the volcanic eruption in Colombia, Japan has strengthened its system for providing overseas emergency relief in order to respond faster and more fully to major natural disasters, including the dispatch of teams of experts, and in addition to extending financial assistance. We shall work to further improve this system. At the same time, Japan has rapidly expanded its assistance to the famine-ravaged countries of Africa in recent years.
The United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development adopted unanimously at the Special Session on Africa last May provided useful medium-and long-term guidelines for the self-reliant development efforts of African countries and for international support for these efforts. I am particularly encouraged that the members of the Organization for African Unity have expressed their determination to stand on their own feet and overcome Africa's economic difficulties. Taking fully into account this Programme of Action, Japan is determined to contribute positively to Africa's medium- and long-term development by supporting, in particular, efforts to promote agricultural development and to make Africa self-sufficient in foodstuffs. We also very much hope that the constructive and realistic attitudes of all the countries concerned demonstrated at the Special Session on Africa will be followed up in the future North-South dialogue.
Japan has also sought to enhance its voluntary contributions to the UNDP and other programmes for economic and technical cooperation within the United Nations system. As a result, Japan is now the largest or second largest contributor to many of the leading assistance organizations. For the future, we intend to continue our efforts to better coordinate our bilateral cooperation with multilateral programmes such as the UNDP, in order to enhance not only the quantity but also the quality of our assistance. We will do all we can to shape our contributions to the real needs of the recipient countries.
This year commemorates the 30th anniversary of Japan's admission to the United Nations. In the three decades that have passed since then, the Government and people of Japan have consistently sought, in light of our bitter past experiences, to make cooperation with and support for the United Nations a key part of Japan's foreign policy.
We recall that all Member States, upon admission to the United Nations, solemnly pledged to act in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, accept the duties and responsibilities set forth therein, and use all the means at their command to fulfill these duties and responsibilities. Yet we see today conflicts in many parts of the world that probably could have been averted had the parties rigorously observed these purposes and principles. I should like therefore to appeal most strongly to these countries to remember their vows to the United Nations, to renew their commitment to the Charter principles to resolve their conflicts peacefully, and to direct their energies to the creation of a better world.
In less than fourteen years, we will enter the 21st century. We can either cooperate to bequeath to posterity this United Nations, which is the most universal organization ever created by mankind, or in clammoring for our own interests we can let the Organization crumble like the Tower of Babel. The choice before us is clear.
Thank you, Mr. President.
(4) Keynote Address by Tadashi Kuranari, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, at Ninth Japan-Australia Ministerial Committee, Canberra
(January 8, 1987)
I would like to make some brief remarks at the beginning of the 9th Japan-Australia Ministerial Committee meeting. Twenty-five years have passed since my last visit to Australia, and during these years, both Japan and Australia have seen remarkable changes. The early 1960s were the dawn of a period of rapid growth for Japan and at the same time, a great turning point for Australia, as demonstrated by the lifting of its embargo on iron ore exports in 1960. Since then, the two countries, while enjoying rapid economic growth, have deepened their bilateral relations. In short, my last visit here coincided with the start of the Japan-Australia honeymoon period. At that time, I strongly anticipated a steady development of friendship between our two countries, and the conclusion of the Japan-Australia Commerce Agreement in 1957 gave me greater hopes for the prospects and potential of the relationship.
The business circles of the two countries, foreseeing this strong trend, have held Japan-Australia Business Co-operation Committee meetings since 1963, which clearly demonstrates the foresight of those business people. Government-level annual consultations held under the Commerce Agreement commenced in 1964, and provided a foundation for the first Ministerial Committee meeting held in 1972.
Over the quarter century, our two countries have maintained a close bilateral relationship, and have achieved a greater-than-expected development of their respective economies through the expansion of the global economy and the establishment of a free trade system under GATT.
The bilateral relationship is founded on a strong mutual complementarity. Resource and agriculture-rich Australia exports mineral resources, energy and agricultural products, and resource scarce-industrial Japan exports manufactured products, thereby making use of the comparative advantages of each country.
Looking at the current situation, the world economy is now in a period of slow adjustment and prospects for growth are not as high as in the 1970s. Primary commodities, in which Australia enjoys a comparative advantage, are now in oversupply on the world's markets and demand for them is sluggish.
Under these circumstances, our two governments are attempting to improve their respective economic structures. Japan, fully recognizing its international responsibility and the expectations of other countries, is painstakingly promoting various measures to develop more harmonized external economic relations. These measures include domestic demand-oriented economic growth, improved market access and the development of economic structures more in harmony with the international community. Through these measures, Japan wishes to make the utmost contribution to an expansion of world trade and a sustained growth of the world economy. Some steps have already been taken, such as the 8th Coal Plan, the aim of which is to adjust domestic coal production to real demand, and the Agricultural Policy Council Report, whose aim is to attain improved agricultural productivity and more reasonable pricing.
In my home city of Nagasaki, there is the town of Takashima, which is heavily dependent on coal mining. The implementation of the 8th Coal Plan would wipe out all industry in the town, thus raising the danger of mass unemployment. However I would like to emphasise that Japan is now fully aware of its responsibility and will not shy away from implementing this painful adjustment of industrial structures.
Australia, on the other hand, is attempting to build a broader economic base by transforming its economy, which is now excessively dependent on mineral resources and agricultural products. Japan has a high regard for Australia's efforts to reduce protective industry policies, relax controls on foreign investment and improve industrial relations. The changes presently taking place in Australia are finally receiving recognition in Japan.
In this new environment, it is now the time to cultivate a new relationship between the two countries. Needless to say, traditional complementarity will remain a major pillar of our bilateral relationship. But it is imperative to build a more diversified partnership with a more global and medium- to long-term perspective. The greatest task facing us in today's and tomorrow's meetings, I believe, is how to realise this in a concrete manner. Based on this belief, I wish to express some of my thoughts to provide a basis for today's discussions.
First, it is important for us to have a global perspective. The world economy of today continues to be more and more interdependent and Japan-Australia economic relations are becoming integrated into the world economy to an unprecedented degree. Therefore, when we consider the relationship between Japan and Australia, we should not let the goal of continuing a sound expansion of the world economy to be eclipsed by the narrow interest of each country. The long-term prosperity of both countries will only endure with this in mind.
The commencement of the Uruguay Round was a major step forward to maintain and strengthen the free trade system. While work is now well under way on the negotiating plans and procedures in Geneva, it is important to complete this preliminary work as soon as possible and begin substantive negotiations without delay. As one of the original advocates of the Uruguay Round, Japan is determined to do what has to be done and play a constructive role to ensure the success of the Round. In this regard, we would like to further strengthen co-operation with Australia.
I am aware that Australia, as a major agricultural exporter, is keen on the success of the negotiations, particularly in agricultural trade. In the Uruguay Round, we need to formulate international rules which cover all measures affecting trade in agriculture with a view to improving terms of access to markets and bringing export competition under greater discipline, taking account of the special characteristics of agricultural and the present situation of its trade. Thorough negotiations on export subsidies in agriculture will also be necessary in the new Round because they tend to distort international trade.
In the field of energy, the two countries, one as a major energy consumer and the other as a major energy producer in the Asia-Pacific region, are especially interested in co-operation on energy within the region. I am pleased to note that bilateral co-operation at international symposiums and forums has occurred in a very productive manner, and I wish to promote this shared interest and even closer co-operation on energy.
In international politics, a friendly and co-operative relationship between Japan and Australia forms a basic element in the Asia-Pacific region, which is important not only for our two countries, but for the West as a whole. With the link between Japan and Australia forming a north-south axis in the region, I am convinced that our two countries should jointly work to promote stability and development in the region. In this sense, it is very reassuring that, since the middle of the 1970s, Australia has become more resolutely Asia-Pacific oriented. For its part, Japan wishes to strengthen its relations with the Pacific island states with the understanding of Australia.
I wish to welcome the active co-operation being promoted within the region through joint research and discussions on many fields including trade, investment and energy at various forums, such as the Pacific Economic Co-operation Conference (PECC). I believe it is important to promote such Pacific co-operation and thereby promote the prosperity and stability of this region, which has a great deal of potential for future development, not only for the benefit of the states in the region but for their neighbours as well, including Japan and Australia.
Secondly, diversification of economic relations is crucial in order to build our bilateral economic relations upon a more solid foundation. We can start with cultivating new fields such as investment, tourism, science and technology and the services industries.
Australia, although blessed with abundant resources, needs foreign capital and technology to exploit this advantage and thereby promote economic development. Japan intends to co-operate to the utmost in such fields as investment and industrial co-operation. While the Australian investment mission to Japan last November proved to be most meaningful to this cause, Japan is to dispatch its own mission to survey the investment climate in Australia this coming February and I hope this mission will also be most productive. In the field of science and technology, I am aware that our private sectors are taking the lead to promote industrial co-operation, mainly in the high technology field such as computer software. The Government of Japan will extend indirect assistance by improving the environment for such co-operation and wishes to further promote Government to Government co-operation in science and technology.
Given the scenic beauty of Australia, tourism is an important field in promoting an even closer Japan-Australia relationship, important not only because of the economic benefits, but also because it permits increased exchange and mutual understanding at the grass-roots level. Japan was the first country to dispatch a joint government-private sector tourism mission to Australia last February, and intends to maintain close contacts aimed at improving infrastructure, expanding air services and improving procedural matters to encourage tourism to Australia.
In addition, the traditional focus of the Japan-Australia relationship has recently changed from economic and trade matters to encompass a broader range of issues, including politics, culture, science and technology and individual exchange. This transformation reflects the growing maturity and closeness of our countries and is to be further encouraged. With this perspective, Japan will actively participate in the Australian Bicenteniary next year, through the donation of cherry trees, co-operation in the establishment of the Science and Technology Centre, participation in Brisbane's Expo'88, the dispatch of a tall ship, and by holding cultural events. Of these, the Science and Technology Centre, to be opened in November next year as a joint Japan-Australia project, will truly be a significant embodiment of the existing friendship and goodwill between our countries. I hope the Centre will be efficiently utilized and remain forever as a symbolic monument to our bilateral co-operation. Japan is also inviting approximately 80 Australian youths through the Japan Exchange and Teaching Programme, to commence in July this year, in order to expand the basis of our future co-operation.
It is also important that our bilateral relationship is promoted from a medium- to long-term perspective. I hope that Australia will fully understand the good intentions and sincerity of Japan's policy objectives in this regard and that Australia itself will endeavour to adjust its economic structure from a medium- to long-term perspective. I believe that today's and tomorrow's meetings will provide an invaluable opportunity to exchange our views concerning this matter. I would like to leave the details to my colleagues, but I venture to say that, while much political effort has been made to maintain what has been achieved in the traditional relationship, active efforts in these new fields of co-operation are yet to be strengthened. It is true that trade in resources and energy is heavily affected by the world-wide trend towards energy and resources conservation and the emphasis on lighter, thinner, shorter and smaller products, but trade in resources and energy still represents the foundation of the Japan-Australia economic relationship. Japan's imports of coal, iron ore and other resources are conducted on a commercial basis, based upon considerations given to price and quality competitiveness and stability of supply. I believe the position of Australia as an important supplier will never diminish as long as its competitive edge and stability of supply are maintained. I wish to add that Japan has no intention to settle trade issues with third countries at the expense of Australia.
It goes without saying that a new Japan-Australia partnership has to be built upon the solid foundation of our traditional co-operative relationship, but as this relationship is basically in good shape, it is time we directed more energy to the development of new fields of co-operation from a medium- to long-term perspective, while at the same time it is important to solve problems within the existing framework. In this sense, I should be grateful to receive an explanation on Australia's comprehensive medium- to long-term efforts, which may be considered Australia's answer to the recently released Maekawa Report.
My home city of Nagasaki has long been one of Japan's windows to the southern sea and the world. This may be why I am so much enchanted by the Oceanic region, which is a symbol of the infinite future. I wish to state now that I will spare no efforts to build a mature relationship of friendship and co-operation between our two countries-a relationship in which the whole world can justifiably take pride. May I conclude my remarks with my heartfelt anticipation that the present Ministerial Committee will be one invaluable step in this direction.
(5) Address by His Excellency Mr. Yasuhiro Nakasone, Prime Minister of Japan, at the University of Belgrade, Yugoslavia
(January 15, 1987)
To Japan's European Friends
Ladies and Gentlemen:
It is a special honour for me to be accorded this opportunity to state some of my views here at the historic University of Belgrade before the distinguished people of Yugoslavia representing its various circles. To Dr. Pjanic and the others who have made possible this occasion, I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude.
It was 30 years ago that I first visited this country. I still vividly remember the magnificent view from the hill of Kalemegdan looking down upon the confluence of the Sava and the Danube against the background of the splendour of the evening glow. These two rivers flow through the lands where various footprints of history can be found, and symbolize, it seemed to me at that time, the position of Belgrade as at being the crossroads of civilizations.
The Drina, a tributary of the Sava, became known to the whole world through the Nobel Prize winning work of Ivo Andric, Na Drini Cuprija (The Bridge on the Drina). This work has much in common with a genre of Japanese classics, in its smooth-flowing, epic-like style and in its description of the irrationality of history, while upholding a deep faith in humanity. As I recall now, it was perhaps the spiritual climate of your country producing such a literature familiar to us Asians that made me feel quite at home at the time of my first visit 30 years ago.
That was when the independent line, which was courageously pursued by President Tito and by the people of Yugoslavia, had just been proved to be correct. I witnessed, wherever I went, the overflowing vigour of creative activities aimed toward the newly-opening future. Now, at the occasion of my second visit to your country, I have been able to observe for myself the magnificent fruits of the enthusiasm and determination of your people displayed 30 years ago. I wish, at the outset, to let you all know that the Japanese people are full of praise for your people's efforts in nation-building.
In addition to such efforts in nation-building, with respect to the field of international politics, I also wish to express my high regard to the great strides realized in the non-aligned movement initiated by President Tito. It is most reassuring to see the people of Yugoslavia, inheriting the will of the late President, continue to march undauntedly along the path he set forth. I appreciate genuine non-alignment, confident that it will assume increasing importance for the easing of East-West tensions.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
Before coming to your country, I have visited Finland and the German Democratic Republic. Hereafter, I shall visit Poland and then return home.
All of these four countries occupy today an important position in the international community. On the other hand, they share in common repeated sufferings, having been historically caught between various confrontations and conflicts, and having experienced unprecedented calamity during the Second World War. These countries owe their present achievements to the endeavours they have each exerted, rising from the ravages of the War and overcoming painful challenges, despite the fact that the paths they have each taken may differ according to their historical and geopolitical backgrounds.
Our country, Japan, also has experienced for itself the miseries of war, and, in particular, suffered from the devastation of nuclear weapons for the first time in the history of mankind. Japan managed to reemerge from amid the ruins to reconstruct itself as it is today.
We, the Japanese people, have gravely reflected upon ourselves about our past that allowed the rise of militarism and led to the tragedy of the War. Accordingly, in making a fresh start after the War, Japan proclaimed the pursuit of peace as its basic national policy, and proclaimed it would uphold freedom and democracy, never again become a military power. Japan's policy is to adhere to an exclusively defensive posture and to the three non-nuclear principles, namely, non-possession, non-production and non-introduction of nuclear weapons.
It is the Japanese people's ardent desire for peace, arising out of their bitter experience of war, that has motivated me to continue to advocate, ever since I assumed the office of Prime Minister, and, with the solidarity of those countries sharing the values of freedom and democracy, the promotion of disarmament and arms control, its ultimate aim being abolishing nuclear weapons from the earth. I can hereby assert that, in the light of the above, there can never be a revival of militarism in Japan.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
The first objective of my current tour is, while representing a new Japan, to meet with the leaders and people of the four countries which also have experienced the tragedies of war and, reaffirming with them the importance of peace, to explore together the means to safeguard it for the future.
In this present age when the destructive power of nuclear weapons of the world is enough to annihilate mankind several times over, peace is of supreme value to all the peoples of the world. Therefore, the preservation of peace itself must be the prime responsibility of world leaders.
At the Reykjavik meeting, in which the whole world placed its expectations for progress in nuclear arms disarmament by the two nuclear super powers, the two leaders conducted very serious discussions, but did not reach agreement. The subsequent developments were not, I regret to say, satisfactory, and the prospect of world peace and disarmament is encompassed by a thick fog. It bespeaks that there still remains a deep-rooted mistrust between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is urgently required today to remove such mistrust and to have their dialogue make progress.
In this connection, I strongly urge the two powers to reconvene their summit meeting as soon as possible, keeping in mind the following five points:
First, the U.S.-Soviet negotiations on nuclear disarmament should be such as to enhance the sense of strategic stability between the East and the West, and to contribute to the strengthening of the peace and security of the world. Japan, appreciating the fact that the two countries have set substantial reductions of offensive nuclear weapons as their common objective of negotiation, wishes for an early conclusion of a balanced and effectively verifiable agreement to realize substantially large reductions.
Second, in the negotiations for reductions of nuclear weapons, "globalism" should be fully adhered to. Namely, for the security of the world, the distinction between Europe and Asia is becoming more meaningless and a global perspective is becoming increasingly important, against the background of technological innovation in nuclear weapons, including their mobility and transportability. Especially in the case of the long range intermediate-range nuclear forces (LRINF), it is my view that they should ultimately be completely removed from Europe and Asia alike.
Third, in nuclear arms control and disarmament, whatever practicable should be undertaken and realized steadily on a step-by-step basis. An approach, allowing for only one choice between two possibilities such as all or nothing, will not bring about fruitful results. Needless to say, a comprehensive agreement is desirable in the forthcoming negotiations. However, in order to realistically move the negotiations even a step forward, it may have to be considered, according to the circumstances, to separate from the other areas of negotiations the INF, and to conclude an agreement at an early date for its separate abolition. Furthermore, I believe, in the area of nuclear test ban, the means to make step-by-step progress for realizing its ultimate ban should continue to be seriously pursued.
Fourth, the security of the world should be safeguarded with consideration for an overall balance of all systems of weaponry. We must pay attention to the international efforts now being exerted in this direction for arms control and disarmament including chemical and other conventional weapons.
Fifth, in order to remove East-West mistrust, East-West dialogue should be expanded and deepened to foster a climate conducive to promoting negotiation between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is in line with this thinking that I am presently making a tour of the four countries.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
The present age we live in is perhaps one of the most significant turning points in the long history of mankind.
Above all, remarkable progress has been achieved in science and technology. It has made possible the many things which were only dreams half a century ago, from the landing on the moon to the selection of the sex of the yet unborn child. It is information and telecommunications technology that is now advancing at a breath-taking pace. The development of microelectronics and telecommunications technology, by connecting the peoples of the whole world with an information network, is on the verge of bringing about a far-reaching change in the future situation of international politics and economics. If simultaneous live broadcasts had been available as they are today, I think there would have been no Second World War. Moreover, the increasing deepening of economic interdependence, and the progress in liberalization and easing of restrictions in trade all help to vigorously promote economic activities and human interchange across national boundaries. From a long-term point of view, the greatest deterrent to war is such free exchange of information and the deepening of human and economic ties across national boundaries. The statesmen who seek peace must join forces for the further strengthening of free exchange of information and of human and economic ties.
When I attended, the year before last, the Special Session of the General Asssembly of the United Nations commemorating the 40th anniversary of its founding, I had the pleasure of meeting with His Excellency Mr. Radovan Vlajkovic, then President of the Presidency of Yugoslavia. I conveyed my view to him that the barrier of mistrust, which the former British Prime Minister Churchill called the "iron curtain," should now be totally removed. He expressed full agreement.
President Tito said that Yugoslavian society should be open to the world, economically, politically, culturally, and in all other respects. The "openness" which the President urged is, I believe, the very foundation for mutual understanding and mutual exchange. We msut lower the barriers of national boundaries as much as possible and create an international society where people, goods, money, and information are assured of free movement. By so doing, I believe, we can promote mutual exchange, deepen mutual understanding, dispel mistrust and ease confrontation, and take steps forward for the realization of lasting peace.
With these points in mind, I have been advocating for the past several years, the realization of a "Japan open to the world" and have been addressing myself to various reforms in my country to promote international cooperation in different fields. There is no denying the fact that these measures cause problems and suffering to some sectors of Japanese society. But I have renewed my belief Japan's basic idea to seek its own peace and prosperity within the peace and prosperity of the world is right. I am determined to continue with these reforms. Furthermore, from the same viewpoint, I intend to cooperate for the success of the Uruguay Round of GATT multilateral trade negotiations. To meet this end, we must fully lend our ear to the opinions of the developing countries. Japan intends to find a solid common ground with our partners, both developing and developed, and endeavor for the success of the Round. In this respect, I am earnestly looking forward to the contribution of Yugoslavia.
Meanwhile, it is needless to say that the extreme country-to-country imbalance in the living standards and the levels of welfare existing in the international community is an important factor obstructing sound international relations. Japan, with the concept that there can be no prosperity of the North without prosperity of the South, has been continuing support to the developing countries and is expanding its official development assistance (ODA) under the Third Medium-Term Target which covers the seven-year period from 1986. The target envisages the total accumulative ODA disbursements during the period to exceed $40 billion, and the ODA disbursements in the final year of the period to be twice as much as the 1985 figure of $3.8 billion. In addition, Japan decided last autumn to accommodate to the IMF a special lending of $3.6 billion, and also to provide the World Bank with Japan Special Funds totalling $2 billion from both government and private sources.
On the occasion of my current tour, I sincerely hope that such policies and efforts on the part of Japan for strengthening peace and improving welfare be further appreciated by the people of your country and of the other countries I visit.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
Ironically enough, due to the progress of science and technology, mankind now faces a double nuclear threat, one external, the other internal. That is to say, the external is the threat of nuclear holocaust and, the internal, the threat of violating human dignity by genetic engineering. People have come to keenly realize that the ever-expanding range of science and technology now threatens the destruction of the ecosystem of the earth through devastation of its resources and pollution of the environment.
As it becomes clear that the advancement of science and technology, while having unforeseen potential, cannot necessarily ensure by itself the happiness of mankind, people are recognizing the special value, for mankind, of the respective cultures in different parts of the world, cultivated during the thousands of years of human history. This recognition will undoubtedly become increasingly widespread in the future and enrich man's global perspective.
Based upon the above viewpoints, I cannot but think that the global society that mankind has built up faces today a truly enormous change. Anton Dvorak, a representative international figure of the 19th century, who was born in Eastern Europe and travelled extensively in Eastern and Western Europe and the United States, composed the great symphony No.9 in E Minor "From the New World" in praise of the abundant flowering of civilization brought forth by the coexistence and interaction of different peoples and civilizations. The far-reaching "New World" which we will strive to create in the future should also be composed, like Dvorak's symphony, of a magnificent harmony of various instruments indigenous to different peoples, playing the theme of "coexistence," with a number of variations, such as the coexistence between man and nature, the coexistence between science technology and spiritual culture, and the coexistence between countries with different ideologies and systems, and with different traditions and religions.
We Japanese are going to play Japan's traditional instrument, namely the philosophy of Japanese-style harmony. The Japanese people have entertained the idea that nature is the motherland of mankind, and that mankind owes its life to the coexistence of all living things amid harmony with nature. This philosophy of coexistence is the very basis of the lifestyle of the Japanese people, fostered through our long history. This also shapes the core of many Oriental philosophies. There was an Indian statesman who once remarked: "Why should there be east and west on earth? The earth is round." As one human being I support this notion.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
and especially my young friends present today,
The 20th century, which has experienced two wars of global scale, is coming to a close. Needless to say, it is today's young people who will start the 21st century.
Both Japan and Yugoslavia have lived in peace for 40 years since the end of the last War. Therefore, the majority of the people are of the generation who do not know the War. It is the responsibility of the leaders like ourselves to see that these young people are never again involved in another war, and are enabled to resolutely develop a future for themselves. For this purpose, it is necessary to cultivate mutual understanding between the young people to prevent any confrontation deriving from hatred or suspicion. By cultivating such soil we must foster the fruit of "friendship."
Culture in the form of science and technology, arts, academic studies, sports, etc. is the most appropriate media for mutual understanding across national boundaries. It is also the area where the youth can fully display their talents. In this area, politics are only the servant of culture.
I intend, accordingly, to conduct a "Youth Invitation Program" with Yugoslavia, and with the other countries I am currently visiting. Under this Program, young people who will eventually bear the responsibility in the next era will be invited to Japan.
I sincerely hope that, through these exchanges, friendship will be fostered and that its fruit will bear new fruit and ultimately form a great force ensuring the peace in the 21st century.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
The year 1987 has just dawned over the horizon.
There is a custom in Japan to offer our hopes for the new year to the sun rising on the first day of the year. With this mind, I once composed a 17-syllable short poem, known as Haiku. Allow me to share it with you.
Ame tsuchi no All heaven and earth
Yoso-oi arata Garbed afresh in the glow
Hatsuhi no de. Of the first sun-rise!
The merciful mother nature is welcoming us, as if to embrace us into a new age.
Let us human beings respond to it, and exert ourselves to bring about an earth filled with peace and friendship.
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