(15)STARTに関するレーガン米大統領の新提案演説(英文)
(83年10月4日,ワシントン)
新提案の主要点
1.新しい弾頭の配備と廃棄すべき既存の弾頭数の比率を定め,これ基づく削減と近代化
2.(近代化を行わない場合も)毎年,一定のビルド・ダウン(年率最低約5%)
3.前1.及び2.のいずれかで,最も大きな削減が求められる方の削減
4.爆撃機のビルド・ダウン
5.米爆撃機搭載の空中発射巡航ミサイルの追加的な規制
6.ソ連がミサイル・米国が爆撃機につき優位にある点を考慮しつつ,双方がより安定した戦力のバランスに向かうことと矛盾させず最大限の柔軟性を示すやり方で交渉
7.第5ラウンドにおいて,米国のビルド・ダウン・イニシアティヴにつき話し合うためSTARTにワーキング・グループの設置を提案
STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT REAGAN ON NEW U.S.DISARMAMENT PROPOSAL WASHINGTON, OCTOBER4,1983
Later today, Ambassador Ed Rowny and the other members of the S.T.A.R.T.delegation will depart for Geneva for the opening of the fifth round of the strategic arms reductions talks.They will carry with them a new set of instructions.
From the first day of these negotiations, our highest goal has been to achieve a stable balance at reduced levels of nuclear arsenals.Wewant to reduce the weapons of war, pure and simple. A11 our efforts -in both the S.T.A.R.T. and the INF negotiations - continue to be guided by that objective. Just this morning, I repeated this commitment to President Carstens of the Federal Republic of Germany. As I pledged to the United Nations, the United States will accept any equitable, verifiable agreement that stabilized forces at lower levels than currently exist. We want significant reductions and that pledge stands.
In the last round of negotiations we proposed a number of new initiatives which were in harmony with the recommendations of the presidential commission on strategic forces, and which provided additional flexibility to our negotiators. Those initiatives supported our basic goals and they also responded to a number of Soviet concemrs. I deeply regret that the Soviet Union has yet to give any significant response.
Throughout the negotiating process, it is the United States who has had to push, pull, probe and prod in the effort to achieve any progress. The heartfelt desire shared by people everywhere for an historic agree-ment dramatically reducing nuclear weapons could, and indeed, will be achieved, provided one condition changes : the Soviet government must start negotiating in good faith.
Let me emphasize that the United States has gone the extra mile. We have removed the dividing line between the two phases of our original proposal. Everything is on the table. We are still most con-cerned about limits on the fast-fiying, most dangerous systems. But we are also prepared to negotiate limits on bomber and air launched cruise missile lhnits below SALT TWO Ievels. We have shown great fiexibility in dealing with the destructive capability of ballistic missiles, including their throvnveight. We have also relaxed our limits on the number of ballistic missiles. We have gone a very long way to address Soviet concerns. But the Soviets have yet to take their first meaningiul step to address ours.
Particularly in the INF talks, but also in S.T.A.R.T., they have been stonewalling our proposals. When we proposed confidence building measures that could be agreed to right now, they said, wait. Apparently they believe that time is on their side, that they can exploit one democracy against another, and that their uncompromising attitude and delay will ultimately win out. Well, we will prove them wrong. The diversity of our democracies is a source of strength, not weakness. From free discussion among free people comes unity and commitment. The sooner this is understood, the sooner we will reach an agreement in the interests of both sides.
We will continue to press Moscow for an equitable, fair, and verifiable agreement. When the S.T.A.R.T negotiations resume tomorrow, the United States delegation will again have substantial fiexibility. Within the fralnework of the basic principles that have guided us throughout these negotiations, I am directing Ambassador Rowny to offer the follow-ing new initiatives.
We are incorporating into S.T.A.R.T. a series of build-down proposals. The United States will introduce a proposal for a mutual, guaranteed build-down designed to encourage stabilizing systems. The proposal will include specific provisions for building down ballistic missile warheads, and concurrently, for addressing a parallel build-down on bombers. To discuss these major new initiatives, we will also propose the establish-ment of a U.S.- Soviet "bulid-down" working group in the Geneva talks. On another front, and in our effort, again, to be absolutely as fiexible as possible, we will be willing to explore ways to further limit the size and capability of air-launched cruise missilA_ forces, in exchange for reciprocal Soviet flexibility on items of concern to us,
We seek limits on the destructive capability of missiles and recognize that the Soviet Union would seek limits on bombers in exchange. There will have to be trade-offs and the United States is prepared to make them, so long as they result in a more stable balance of forces.
The Soviet Union should not doubt the bipartisan support for our efforts. During our review process, I Iooked for ways to broaden America's bipartisan approach to our overall arms control effort. We have consulted with many members of the congress and again with the commission headed by Brent Scowcroft. Their counsel has been invalu-able, and I want to thank them for their tireless efforts and helpful advice.
A solid, national bipartisan consensus, sustained from year to year and from administration to administration, is crucial if we are to keep America safe and secure, and if we are to achieve successful anns reductions. Therefore, I have decided to take a number of new steps. Among these are to designate a member of the Scowcroft commission, James Woolsey, as a member-large to our S.T.A.R.T. negotiations.
These actions reflect America's democratic process at its best. Am-bassador Rowny, as you and your term depart for Geneva, you go with the certain knowledge that you are negotiating with the full support of the American people. Our bipartisan support is stronger than ever before. And you carry with you fair, equitable proposals, proposals that are in the interest of both nations and all humankind.
It is fitting today to repeat what I said last week : The door to an agreement is open. All the world is waiting for the Soviet Union to walk through. Should the Soviet leadership decide to join us now in our good faith effort, the fifth round of these negotiations will be the one in which, finally, a breakthrough was made, and finally the world began to breathe a bit easier. To the entire S.T.A.R.T. delegation, godspeed and good luck.